1.5 More than any one man, Deming was responsible for the economic miracle of Japan in the years that followed the second world war. His revolutionary ideas had been ignored in the US, but Deming found an audience among Japanese business leaders when in 1950 he was assigned by the Allied Supreme Command in Tokyo to help rebuild Japan's war-torn economy. Deming advocated secure employment for workers, an end to the divide between management and the factory floor, and above all an emphasis on quality. "We didn't really believe him" said one executive, "But we did what he said in order not to lose face." Japanese companies soon began achieving enormous success, and Deming became the best-known American in Japan after General MacArthur. Yet he remained almost unknown at home. But by the late Seventies the US electronics industry had been almost destroyed by such Japanese brands as Sony and Panasonic, and it dawned on some US companies, among them Ford and Xerox, that Deming might be right. Under his guidance they eliminated cherished management perks - private dining rooms and special parking spaces - because Deming said workers found them offensive. They were hard lessons to learn, but when they bore fruit the western world, like Japan before, began to listen. At the age of 80, Deming found himself deluged with demands to act as consultant to the largest companies in America. In 1987 President Reagan awarded him the National Medal of Technology, which was presented in the Rose Garden of the White House. It was a late vindication for this curmudgeonly, frugal man who had for so long been a prophet without honor in his own country @ 2.2 Politically and economically Japan has so far been in an indeterminate and perhaps unrealistic frame of mind. She has been living in a dream world of neutralism, cushioned against the shocks of international events by the presence of American "security forces" and by continued dollar aid. The Korean war, fought on her doorstep, meant no more to Japan than a chance to earn money by supplying goods and services to the United Nations forces. The present armistice is considered mainly in terms of the opportunities it presents for making money out of the reconstruction of Korea. Relations between Japan and Korea remain as bad as ever, with disputes in progress about fishing rights, property claims and the island of Takashima. Meanwhile, 85 million people, their number increasing by more than a million a year must make a living in four small islands which only a century ago supported no more than 30 million. This pressure of population is the biggest single factor in Japan's economic instability to-day; in the past it was the driving force in her expansion. Because of the mountainous nature of the land, only one sixth of the total area is arable. Yet the people are so skilled in cultivation that they produce four-fifths of their normal food supply. Japan cannot produce much more food; the alternatives are to import or to starve, large-scale emigration being out of the question. The prime task before the Japanese statesmanship is clearly to encourage birth control by every legitimate modern means. Only when Japan's population is stabilized will she cease to be a menace to her neighbours. The nation's greatest asset to-day, which accounts for the rapid recovery from the moral and material devastation of defeat in the last war, is the frugal and hard-working nature of the people. Used to simple living, most of them are content with little more than a wooden shack, the minimum of clothing and a diet of rice, vegetables and fish. (By contrast, in the cities there has been much rich living and extravagance since the war.) Because of their capacity for hard work, the Japanese live better than any other Asian people and are as well off as some European ones. The Japanese farmer or factory hand will work longer and harder for less reward than his opposite number anywhere in the world. The advent of trade unionism since the war has made some difference to this but has not yet seriously impaired it. It is hard to say how deep anti-American feeling runs among the Japanese. Certainly some people, such as farmers and fishermen whose livelihood is affected by the proximity of American bases, and families whose morals are also affected by this, are critical of the need to maintain an American garrison under the security pact. Left-wing politicians and university students take advantage of this and lead the clamour of "Yankee Go Home!" But on the whole the sentiment of most Japanese is more one of natural pride in their newly regained independence than of active hostility to Americans. The unpopularity of rearmament stems from the revulsion of feeling caused by the losses of the last war, and especially the use of the atom bomb, and from the pacifism preached by the MacArthur regime in its early days. Yet to-day Japan is being urged to rearm by the United States, which is offering between $100m. and $150m, in aid in condition that Japan enlarges her army. If Japan is ever to regain economic stability she will have to correct her present industrial shortcomings, among them, too high costs, outdated production methods and inflationary finance, and then find markets in Asia. Like the rest of the free world, she will have to reach a modus vivendi with China. That she will be a competitor of the United Kingdom is inevitable; that she will undercut prices as severely as she did before the war is unlikely. At the moment she is struggling to reduce her export prices to the level of world prices. The Japanese people, faced with ideological and practical problems as great as any in their long history, are striving to safeguard their future. Notwithstanding Communist blandishments, they are beginning to make up their minds that their future lies with the free world. Their Emperor, no longer a divine figure but still held in great respect, has given them a sound lead. Right-wing diehards and former military men have gained some ground lately, and may yet prove a bigger menace than the Communists. But the people have shown in two recent elections that they prefer to follow the middle course in politics. Their future depends upon whether their political leaders can match the common sense of the voters with their own foresight and moderation. Of these qualities the last session of the Diet showed little evidence, being give over to party manoeuvring, personal quarrels, and even physical violence. At present there is much talk of a possible coalition between the Liberal and Progressive parties, but personal rivalry stands in the way. If a coalition comes about it will make for greater political stability in the coming years. But unless and until Japanese leaders can show as much sense as the voters the future of democracy in these islands remains doubtful. @ 2.3 Rousing company songs, physical jerks before the production line starts up, bowing good morning to the foreman ... these are some of the details which make the Japanese way of work so extraordinarily different. But there are differences which go much deeper than this. Professor Ronald Dore and a team of British and Japanese economists and sociologists have made the first detailed analysis of these differences with a point-by-point comparison of two Japanese factories and two British ones making similar products - the Furusato and Taga factories of Hitachi and the Liverpool and Bradford factories of English Electric. Work begins at 8am at Furusato. The whistle blows at 7.50am as the last stragglers come running in - office workers and operatives indistinguishable in white, short sleeved shirts, carrying their lunches in tins wrapped in Japanese furoshiki cloth. Most people are already at the bays where they work and have changed into working overalls. Each has a badge on his breast-pocket giving his department, his name and a very revealing number. Number 580003 means the wearer was the third new entrant to be registered in 1958. He belongs to the 1958 intake, say his managers, when discussing his promotion, and whether he is moving ahead faster or slower than the seniority norm. Loudspeakers have been playing Liszt's Hungarian Rhapsody. Suddenly this gives way to rhythmic piano physical jerk music. With lesser or greater enthusiasm everyone joins in five minutes of swinging, swaying and bending. Afterwards they gather round their foreman, bowing to each other and simultaneously chorusing "Good Morning." The foreman offers the day's ration of reminders, tips and hints destined to keep people up to the mark, to remind them where things can go wrong if they are not careful. Then comes work allocation. The foreman remarks on the absence of one of his team. A readjustment is made. At Bradford and at Liverpool work begins more gradually. Hourly rated men and staff are clearly distinguishable. Manual workers generally wear boiler suits. The collars and ties belong to office workers or foremen. Fifteen minutes before the Liverpool hooter blows a good many people are at their benches. There is an air of relaxation. A few men are cleaning their tools, most are reading a newspaper, chatting. A small group of women is brewing the day's first cup of tea. After the hooter the pace of movement increases; the noise level rises as machine after machine is switched on, but it may be still some time before things are fully under way. At 8.30 am the foreman takes stock. Eleven of his 45 workers are missing. The day is not typical because it is a Monday, there is a bus strike and it is raining. In all probability, says the foreman, those who have been walking to work since the strike looked out in the wet half-light of the morning and asked themselves if they really needed a full wage packet the following week, said "Oh, sod it" and went back to bed. There is a lot to be said for the reasonableness, mutual consideration, co-operativeness and orderliness with which the Japanese manage their affairs, but they pay a heavy price in the sacrifice of individuality, of independence and of those other enjoyments besides pride in work which can bring happiness. The British manage to preserve these virtues better, but in preserving them they too pay a heavy price in suspicion and bad-tempered obstinacy, in inertia and in a shifting mixture of complacency and national self doubt. One of the most striking characteristics of the Japanese employment system is lifetime commitment: the fact that almost the only way to get into big firms, the elite half of the industrial structure, is at the beginning of one's working life. Once in a worker expects to stay until retirement, whereas entering English Electric involves a much less permanent commitment with a relatively high rate of job mobility for both workers and managers. Hitachi is a typical big Japanese firm: low labour turnover, wages determined more by seniority than by function, and its workers belonging to the same house, or enterprise union. It is the sort of firm which has given rise to the popular assumption by westerners (as well as some Japanese) that the Japanese are only suffering from a slightly prolonged form of industrial immaturity - that sooner or later they will shed their abberations and become like us. Paternalism, runs the argument, is characteristic of labour relations in immature economies more marked to Japan because a fully fledged feudal past was so recent; which is why it has persisted to a more advanced stage in the country's development. Eventually therefore, it is bound to give way to a kind of system of the Anglo-American kind - impersonal, market determined, fluid, where the concept of loyalty has little place and the notion that it should override material interests has none; a system which is achievement-based and which ignores such irrelevant characteristics as an employee's age; a system in which workers are committed to a craft, a way of life, a labour market and not over- committed to a single firm; a system in which trade union loyalties transcend corporation boundaries. Dore believes the theory is at fault in assuming that the market-orientated forms of work organisation developed in the early industrialising countries are permanent, part of a state of modernity which, once reached, is never likely to be abandoned. He argues that they are giving way to organisation-orientated forms where conditions of employment are less and less influenced by consideration of the price a worker might get from another employer in the external market, more and more fitted into an internal structure of relative rankings peculiar to the enterprise and predicated on the assumption of stable long-term employment. In short there are signs that the British system is getting more like the Japanese, instead of the other way about. Late starters, of course, do have some advantages - Japan in ship-building after the Second World War, her yards destroyed and unencumbered with the 19th-century machinery which cluttered Clydebank. There is also a late development benefit in social technology - educational systems, and methods of personnel management. Furthermore ideologies which, although originally the consequences of an advanced stage of industrialisation in the societies in which those ideologies first appeared, can have an independent life and force of their own when diffused to those just beginning industrialisation. By this process late developing countries can get ahead - can show in a more developed form, patterns of social organisation which in the early starters, are still emerging, still struggling to get out from the chrysalis of 19th-century institutions. The gap which remains between the British and Japanese employment systems after a decade of rapid growth and increasing labour shortage is large enough, and the union structure and the pattern of company welfare seems sufficiently firmly entrenched, to hazard a guess that in 1990, Japanese workers will still be hired, promoted, paid, trained and socialised in a distinctively Japanese way. Such as is enshrined, for instance, in a document called the "Guiding Spirit of Hitachi" which sets down the company's key principles to its employees as: sincerity of heart and mind, a spirit of forward looking positivism and a spirit of harmony. It also appears in the Hitachi Song (the firm's, not the union's) which goes: Over hill, over valley, each calls and each responds. We are united and we have dreams, We are Hitachi men, aroused and ready To promote the happiness of others. Great is our pride in our home-produced products. Polished and refined our skills. @ 2.4 In Hitachi the foreman's role is intended to be much more like that of any army sergeant's than like that of a British foreman. He is usually referred to as "the old man" (oyaji is also a common way of referring to one's own father). He is the natural person for a young man to ask to be a ceremonial go-between at his wedding or to play an even more important role and actually find a bride for a young man. He would be the natural person to ask to be master of ceremonies at a parent's funeral if one did not have any convenient uncles. Similarly, as paterfamilias, the foreman presides over the team's communal leisure activities - outings and drinking parties for the spring cherry-blossom viewing, a mid- summer "cool-in" (an evening river-bank party, preferable with municipal fireworks display, farewell parties for someone going to erect a generator abroad, victory parties when the group's team wins a soft-ball competition, celebrations of some notable work achievements or just straightforward "social parties." Apart from such occasions, bachelors may make up a group of three or four to buy a bottle of rice-wine and go to "assault" the foreman at home - i.e. boisterously demand that he invite them in to share their (and subsequently, in larger measure, his) wine. To be a foreman, as to be the patron in any kind of patron- client relationship in Japanese society, is not in-expensive. This is recognised by the firm in a little something extra on the mid-summer and year-end bonuses; otherwise the only other compensations are the flattery the system offers his ego, and the gifts he may receive from his subordinates when they come to pay their new year respects. New year is a time for a hectic round of gift- giving, calling particularly on anyone - superior or colleague - on whose goodwill one depends. The standard greeting formula is; "during the last year you have been very good to me. I hope I can count on you again this year." @ 3.2 I have learned from experience that if an organisation is to commit itself to the quality process, the senior management must commit to it just as rigorously as the rest of the company, W Edwards Deming, a leading authority on total quality, is unequivocal when he states that quality is made in the boardroom. Quality is not a public-relations exercise, nor is it some kind of training programme provided by the human- resources department. Total quality means a transformation of the whole philosophy of the company. It is a measurable process; it makes individuals accountable and, by definition, it is unforgiving. This is often underestimated. A process that forces a company to scrutinise and improve such functions as management and leadership, strategic planning, employee involvement and recognition, the quality of its products and services and customer satisfaction is no facile commitment. It demands different attitudes and approaches. Executive management must explain to an organisation that the quality process will mean a shift upwards in standards, and that performance is going to be measured against those standards. Once they understand what total quality means to the organisation, executive management has begun to do its job. It is management's responsibility to be accountable for the success or failure of total quality. If the process does go wrong, it is executive management that has to listen and take action. All too often, I hear examples of companies making excuses. "After all," they will say, "didn't we make several fine presentations to our people about quality; didn't we talk to them seriously about it and surely they read the booklets and brochures we supplied them? But why is it they didn't get the message, why is it we are not making progress; not improving?" The answer is often executive management. Executive management may be committed to good internal communications. It may have agreed to some training. It may well have invested a little money in the exercise and it will almost certainly have hired a consultant or two. What executive management has not done is commit itself wholeheartedly to being the foundation on which the whole company's quality approach is built. Executive management has the responsibility to communicate, to lead by example and to put the quality process in place. It must also be accountable for the end result. But there are many examples of good practice, where leadership from the top is clear and unambiguous. In an increasingly competitive world, following the principles of quality makes sound economic sense. I am not deterred by the fact that total quality is so difficult to implement. In fact, I am grateful that it is. Were it easy, everybody would have it in place. The fact that it is so difficult presents considerable competitive and commercial advantage to those companies that persevere and achieve it. I recall the story of a leading Japanese industrialist asked to comment on whether the numbers of American firms rushing to introduce TQM would pose a commercial threat to Japanese companies. His reply was that it would take American companies 10 years to get the process working properly, by which time Japan would have zero-defects management in place and be 15 years ahead again. That really is competitive advantage. Viewed in those terms, total quality makes hard commercial sense and if it becomes an integral part of the longer-term strategic- planning process, along the lines of the Japanese experience, it will clearly have a positive impact on a company's bottom line @ 3.3 In the past three years I have visited 70 British companies and had long talks with another 80. The experience has filled me with optimism. This is mainly because of the "total quality" movement, which is transforming the way business is done. In total quality, people "learn through the job" to do everything better all the time. "Continuous improvement" is the watchword. It is no longer a question of "We've always done it this way", but rather, "There must be a better way." I went on to study quality in depth and continued seeing it in practice in companies where I had first seen its power. In the old days, and still in some places, people came to work to do as they were told. They were supposed to park their brains at the factory gate. Thinking was for management. What could I say that would bring total quality to a wider public as well as being of some use to those responsible in companies? Reflecting on my tour of British industry and reading the works of the gurus, W Edwards Deming, Joseph Juran, Philip Crosby and others, it became obvious to me that this quality business is no mere technique for making better goods and providing better services. It is nothing less than a revolution in the management of business. It is bound to be if quality means "fitness for use" (Juran) or "delighting the customer" (Deming). Surely there are no other aims for businesses that want to succeed. But it does mean turning things upside down, a new mindset and death to a lot of traditional attitudes. It means: - liberation to people at work whose talents are recognised and utilised: restoring pride in workmanship. - involving everyone in the search for continuous improvement in everything by everybody, individually and collectively. - banishing fear of using initiative; eliminating management by blame. - teaching all employees basic statistical process control, so they can build quality into the job first time. Getting rid of status divisions, such as different arrangements for pensions, car-parking, eating and sick- pay and everything else that implies that some people are superior and others are subordinates (at Bosch in Cardiff, two words are banned: "semi-skilled" and "unskilled"). Self-directed work teams, which run their own day-to-day affairs, with coaching from a team leader who is trained to listen. Breaking down departmental barriers that waste so much time because people look after their own patch and don't see the total picture. Organising work on the basis of a co-operative chain of suppliers and customers, both externally and internally: everyone is a customer awaiting results from a supplier; everyone is a supplier too; all depend ultimately on satisfied end-customers. Working in partnership with outside suppliers, not trying to screw them down on price or continually changing them. Recognising that quality exceeding customer expectations gives competitive edge and saves money, especially if you take into account all the indirect administrative costs and paying people for doing the same job twice. Training people who are face to face with customers, especially with external ones, on how to win their loyalty and meet their problems with courtesy and understanding. Above all, quality means co-operation instead of confrontation; it means respect for suppliers, customers and employees in place of treating them essentially as means to your own ends; it means the ability to stand in others' shoes and act accordingly. You see why I say this quality business is a revolution. It changes everything we do when we focus on delighting the whole chain of customers, not least the consumer at the very end. It's happening. The quality revolution is changing everything in some organisations. It's a matter of doing what Deming said: "Put everybody in the company to work to accomplish the transformation. The transformation is everybody's job."